The South African state’s weapons sales to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates are illegal in terms of South African law; more specifically the National Conventional Arms Control Act (2003). The so-called oversight role of the parliamentary structure called the National Conventional Arms Control Committee (NCACC) is clearly just a pretence. The thunderous silence of the defence ministry, the Department: International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) and other SA government officials on this matter, again demonstrates the duplicity and dishonesty of the ruling class’ international practices. For them, it matters little if they break their own laws. Ideally, for them, these sales should continue without much fuss, away from the headlines and open public scrutiny. To sidestep any criticism, behind the scene manoeuvring aims at convincing the world that any criticism of the Saudi war effort against Yemen might jeopardise the brokering of a peace deal. Such are the absurdities of the international armaments industry and its operators: first you supply/sell weapons to a country; this country uses it in massive human rights abuses and then you say that you can’t stop the weapons sales because it might upset the recipient country. Some years ago, the SA government, in its usual boastful manner, got involved in ‘peace-negotiations’ between the Palestinian resistance and the Israeli government as well. It came to nought. And today the Israeli government is still arresting, detaining and killing Palestinians on a daily basis.
Our South African rulers are part of an international military-industrial complex which in 2017 spent US $1.74 trillion on armaments (Stockholm International Peace Research Institute – SIPRI). Interestingly, the USA and Saudi Arabia spent approximately 44% of this total; respectively being the largest and third largest spenders. Britain and France follow the USA as the largest weapons suppliers to Saudi Arabia. 16 400 civilian deaths in Yemen , in the period March 2015 to May 2018 (UNO) are direct results of drone attacks and air strikes on bridges, factories, wedding parties, funerals and on school buses. The subsequent starvation, cholera outbreaks and threatening famine coupled with soaring food prices and job losses have cut across tribes and across class in Yemen. 8 out of 27 million Yemenis are currently dependent on emergency food aid. Fuel prices have risen, aggravating an already desperate situation for millions of citizens. In all this, the South Africa state is directly complicit.
Recent history also shows a strong continuity of the foreign policies of the old white minority regime – especially insofar as the armaments industry is concerned. Former president Thabo Mbeki had to publicly apologise to the Rwandese population for the complicity (via weapons sales) of the white minority government in the 1994 genocide. The multi-billion rand arms procurement deal, signed in 1999 promised much in terms of foreign direct investment. These benefits are yet to materialise. The Sereti Commission – amidst widespread criticism – concluded that no wrongdoing on the part of government ministers could be proven. The South African presidency will no doubt justify the current weapons sales on the promises of US$ 20 billion investments made by the Saudi and UAE governments. These two governments are notorious for their undemocratic, highly repressive economic and political systems – especially the oppression of migrant workers from Asia. Trade unions are banned and migrant workers are immediately repatriated if they lose their jobs.
As we can all witness, continued relations with Israel and other repressive states is a standard practice with the SA government. Weapons sales to the Egyptian and Myanmar governments are considered acceptable. It matters little that the repressive policies of these governments make daily worldwide headlines. So much for the upholding of human rights.